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Leviathan’s Politics and Chancellor’s Ignorance

Somalia: Leviathan’s Politics and Prime Minister’s Ignorance


There are a myriad of factors that give rise to this constant problem, including but not limited to clan politics, which require firm stance rather than dissent.

Somalia is a country seeking a sustainable, functional and stable state. To this effect, many attempts have been made since the collapse of the state in 1991. Many reconciliation and nation-building conferences have taken place from Alta, Djibouti to Mbagasi, Kenya, and across the country.

All these efforts have a fundamental flaw that has often been repeated. Loyalty over ability, mediocrity over meritocracy. From the legislative branch to the cabinet, successive governments in Somalia have always had an enormous number of incompetents.

There are a myriad of factors that give rise to this constant problem, including but not limited to clan politics, which require firm stance rather than dissent.

Another big factor is that there are no political parties to compete in party conventions before individuals enter society. These unqualified people have dominated the political arena and endangered the country’s development.

Hassan government

Instead of official political parties competing for politics, there are several loose organizations. DamulJadiid and Daljir are among them. In particular, the DamulJadiid split from the larger Islamist movement in Somalia. It has produced many prominent politicians, including the incumbent president. President Hassan Sheikh was elected to his first term in August 2012.

During that period, his government accomplished great things, including the formation of four of the five federal member states. The ranking and ranking of civil servants, PFM of financial management, foreign policy, etc. have been relatively improved.

Likewise, his government has been subjected to rampant corruption in the public sector, patronage, nepotism, warfare against early Federation member Javaland, dissolving opposition groups and inviting only the inner circle, and other monstrous misdeeds. I went to A rebellion ensued, and in February 2017, former prime minister Mohamed Abdullahi, better known as Farmajo, was elected president of Somalia.

In hindsight, Farmajo was a populist leader and media mogul with public support, but he could not solicit the support of intellectuals and elites. His government cut diplomatic ties with neighboring countries, notably Kenya and Djibouti. And these mistakes crippled his government.

DamulJadiid, Daljir, quasi-political parties and other opposition groups have suffered greatly under the Nabad and Nolol governments. Farmajo’s government has adopted iron fist rules, taken knee-jerk actions and practiced extrajudicial abuses of power.

Two presidents, Sheekh Sharif and Hassan Sheekh, have been blocked from traveling. The former prime minister, parliamentarians, politicians and civilians peacefully demonstrating by his notorious Haramacad (Cheetah) police force were fired upon with live ammunition. These challenges faced by opposition groups have created a political marriage between Damrjadid and Dalziel.

When Farmajo lost his bid for re-election on 15 May and was replaced by Hassan, Damrjadid and Dalziel were revitalized. And now they’re tactically filling key public positions, and they’re both looking to come into force.

Hamza’s premiership

Hassan’s longtime friend Hamza Abdi Barre, a member of the DamulJadiid, was appointed prime minister of Somalia on June 16, winning a vote of confidence from the Somali parliament (House of People) on June 25.

He’s a political newbie, but he grew up under the umbrella of Damr Jadid. President Hassan did not give him a chance during his first term from 2012 to 2017.

Hamza was despised in his time, which has given him a competitive edge and a bargaining point.

Hamza was not someone with deep ties to his constituency until he became chairman of the Jubaland Electoral Commission in 2019. He also secured a seat as a member of parliament for his sub-tribe by harassing President Ahmed He Madbe’s dubious re-election. .

Kaire vs saasid style

President Hassan’s first term appointed Saashid as prime minister. Saacid was friendly, humble, and a good servant. Because of his soft leadership, many ministers, especially those with ties to President Hassan, refused to follow his lead. A year later, he came across a motion and the Somali parliament passed a vote of no confidence in the cabinet.

A very flamboyant figure, Caile was appointed Prime Minister by Farmaho in 2017. He was very obedient to his superior Farmajo, but stern and bossy to his ministers. Khayre succeeded in managing and controlling ministers. As such, he is the longest-serving prime minister since the collapse of the state.

These are the two types most of Somalia’s prime ministers tended to. They become true stalwarts like Prime Minister Saashid, but he didn’t survive because of his softness, or like Kaile who survived three and a half years adopting “Kiss Up Kick Down” .

I think Kaile style is more suitable for the current situation in Somalia. Because Prime Minister Hamza faces a challenge of insubordination from his cabinet. For example, one of his cabinet members said at an earlier event, “I thank the President for appointing me to this office.” While this is a blatant attack on the prime minister, it also shows that he is somehow a lame duck.

To this effect, Hamza should and must convince the president that although he is stubborn to him, he must allow him full control of the cabinet. This will prevent dichotomy and conflict between the two sides and pave the way for political stability in the country.

If the president doesn’t agree with his proposal, sooner or later they won’t. Because the giants of DamulJadiid are back with a bang. They made enormous ill-gotten wealth during President Hassan’s first term in office, and they covet the same.

The DamulJadiid youth are what Ghanaian economist and author George Ayittey called in his book, Defeating Dictators, the ‘cheetah generation’.

Remember, President Hassan is more of a macro manager than President Famajo. While Farmajo was delegating authority to his subordinates to give them some leeway and control over his head, Hassan was a detail oriented, macro manager and, due to his academic background, a real problem. I’m trying to work on So many people are trapped in deciphering each other.

Even Hamza could have a chance to be a good option for Damrjadid in the upcoming elections if President Hassan and Prime Minister agree to work closely and in good faith.

Hamza must distinguish between allies, foes and freeloaders.

Hamza appointed several advisors to his office after being consulted by some of his inner circle of charlatans. Most of them, unfortunately, are the Khayre/Farmajo team. A lingering question is how can these members, who are loyal to his political enemies Nabad and Noror, be loyal to him at the same time?

The biggest impetus for this immature decision is his political and programmatic adviser, himself a close friend of former Prime Minister Kaile.
Hamza seems to be willingly or naively accepting of those who seek to exterminate him.

He must fend off those who have invaded his government before they choke him.

Hamza also does not actively address important local issues. He was refused by the flimsy president of Puntland his Deni to visit the opening ceremony of the Garowe and Garakado ports. Likewise, he is not active in the ongoing fight against al-Shabaab.

I’ll give Hamza for skepticism, as he’s still on the learning curve, but his government is older than the first 100 days of the international benchmark.

Anwar Abdifatah Bashir holds a Ph.D. He is a Candidate for Diplomacy and International Studies at the University of Nairobi and a Senior Lecturer at the National University of Somalia. Twitter: @Anwaryare1000

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